International Seminar on Disarmament

Lima, Perú
Dec-1999

A Chinese Perspective

Amb. Zha Zukang
Director-General
Department of Arms Control and Disarmament
Ministry of Foreign Affairs, People's Republic of China

Mr. Chairman,
It is a great pleasure for me to share with you some of my thought on nuclear disarmament at the International Seminar on Disarmament, cosponsored by the Agency for the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons in Latin America and the Caribbean (OPANAL), the Government of the Republic of Peru and the United Nations Department for Disarmament Affairs(UNDDA). I wish to take this opportunity to extend my sincere gratitude to Ambassador Enrique Roman-Morey, Secretary General of the OPANAL who has kindly invited me to make a speech on this occasion. I also wish to pay tribute to the organizers who had contributed to this Seminar. I believe that, at the turn of the century, a seminar like this provides a forum for further discussion on the arms control and security issues, and will produce positive impact on the international arms control policy.

In the middle of this century, the tremendous energy generated from the nuclear fission was at last controlled by mankind. Regrettably, the nuclear energy was also used in war in addition to its peaceful uses for the benefit of human beings. Over the past 50 years, the nuclear weapons have been threatening the international security and stability, and as a result, people have been living in the nightmare of nuclear threat.

If one look at the history of nuclear weapons, it is not hard for him to see that the nuclear weapons were not only the result of technology development, but also closely related to the international security environment and various countries' understandings on security. Nuclear weapons came into being at the end of World War II and got into swing of its development in the Cold War when the Eastern and Western blocs were in a state of protracted antagonism and suspicion. Fundamental changes have taken place in the international situation since the end of Cold War in the late 1980s. With the relaxation of international tension and the improvement of relations among major countries, the factors in favor of peace and development have begun to play a leading role in the international relations. As a result, some significant achievements have been made in the field of international nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation. It is true that there is still a long way to go before the complete prohibition and thorough destruction of nuclear weapons, but those achievements have, after all, brought us hope and demonstrated the ongoing international efforts for nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation.

However, there have been some worrying developments recently undergone on the scene of international security. The successive nuclear tests in South Asia in May 1998 dealt a heavy blow to the nuclear non-proliferation regime and nuclear disarmament process, arousing people's serious concern and uneasiness. On 24 March 1999, the world's most powerful military bloc bypassed the Security Council of the United Nations and engaged in a wanton and indiscriminate bombing of a small and weak country for 78 consecutive days. Such so-called bloodstained humanitarian intervention is in severe violation of UN Charter and the norm of international law, and set a very bad precedent in the contemporary history of international relations. Since the beginning of this year, a State Party to the Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty(ABM), in pursuing national missile defense system(NMD), has been seeking to amend the ABM Treaty and even threatening to pull out from the Treaty which has helped maintain the strategic security and stability. The above negative developments in the field of international security have brought the process of international nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation to a halt.

Mr. Chairman,
Mankind will enter the 21st century with its brilliant civilization. Looking ahead, we are full of hope, though, coupled with regrets and uneasiness because the nuclear weapons will also accompany us into the next century.

President Jiang Zemin of the People's Republic of China, as you may recall, made an important speech on 26 March 1999 at CD on arms control and security issues, in which he pointed out that nuclear non-proliferation and nuclear disarmament remained a primary task for the international community today and for a long time to come, and that the accomplishment of this task called for joint unremitting efforts by the international community.

Progress in international nuclear disarmament cannot be achieved without an environment of peace, security, stability and confidence. This is a necessary precondition. It should be realized that disarmament can be promoted and international peace and security be increased only by giving up the old security concept based on military alliances and build-up of armaments and by establishing a new security concept based on mutual trust, mutual benefit, equality and cooperation. At present, what the international community should guard against and try to prevent is the tendency of closing the window of opportunity in nuclear disarmament opened up in the wake of the relaxation of the international relations after the end of the Cold War by some countries as a result of their pursuit of Cold War mentality and hegemonism.

As countries possessing the largest nuclear arsenals in the world, the U.S. and Russia have the unshirkable and primary responsibilities for nuclear disarmament. Their bilateral nuclear disarmament has great impact not only on the international peace and stability, but also on the international nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation process. They should earnestly implement the existing nuclear reduction agreements and start new negotiations aiming at further substantial reductions in their nuclear arsenals. It needs to be pointed out that what the international community wants is genuine nuclear disarmament with the reduced nuclear warheads destroyed so as to ensure the irreversibility of the nuclear disarmament process, instead of relocation of warheads, still less storing up nuclear arsenals for strategic purposes under the disguise of nuclear disarmament.

As the cornerstone to maintain the global strategic stability, the ABM is the precondition for the US-Russia bilateral reductions of strategic weapons. In addition, it also provides a security framework in which the multilateral nuclear disarmament process could be promoted. That is why the ABM treaty should be fully implemented. To amend, and even pull out from the treaty in pursuit of defense system so as to strengthen both its offensive and defensive capabilities while weakening or restricting others' basic defensive capability will inevitably tip the balance of powers between major countries and the global strategic equilibrium, undermine the basis for international cooperation, poison the climate for nuclear disarmament progress and even trigger a new round of arms race at a higher level, including an arms race in the outer space. As a result, the nuclear disarmament process will be stopped or even reversed.

The deterrent policy based on the first use of nuclear weapons has been hampering the process of multilateral nuclear disarmament and the international endeavor for nuclear non-proliferation. Obviously, with the risk of suffering nuclear attack at any time, no country could have the sense of security and there is not even the least trust between countries. Therefore, to give up the above deterrent policy, undertake not to be the first to use nuclear weapons and to unconditionally undertake not to use or threaten to use nuclear weapons against non-nuclear weapon states and nuclear-weapon-free zones by nuclear weapons states, constitute not only an important prerequisite for progress in nuclear disarmament but also a significant and practical confidence-building measure in this regard. To this end, the nuclear-weapon states should work for early conclusion of an international legal instrument on this issue.

The strict and full compliance of the existing multilateral arms control treaties is an important guarantee for further progress of nuclear disarmament. The Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty (CTBT) was reached through arduous negotiations with long-term painstaking efforts from the international community and it is of epoch-making significance in international nuclear disarmament. The United States, which has conducted the maximum number of nuclear tests and owns the largest nuclear arsenal, has refused to ratify CTBT. This is a serious setback to the international nuclear non-proliferation regime and nuclear disarmament process. The international community have reached a common understanding to that effect that the negotiation and conclusion of FMCT, which in terms of quantity restricts the development of nuclear weapons, is an essential step toward nuclear disarmament. However, it is impossible to conduct negotiations in vacuum and the series of negative developments in the international security environment will inevitably bring harmful impacts to the commencement and the subsequent process of the negotiation. The international community should work to create a favorable security environment so as to help commence the negotiation and made early progress.

One of the practical ways towards a nuclear-weapon-free world is to consolidate the status of existing nuclear-weapon-free zones and to establish new ones according to regional conditions, and on the basis of agreements or arrangements freely arrived at among the States concerned. As the first nuclear-weapon-free zone in the world, Latin America and the Caribbean plays a leading role in promoting the establishment and development of nuclear-weapon-free zones. Please allow me to express my admiration and appreciation for your spirit and courage. In addition to the existing nuclear-weapon-free zone treaties, including the Treaty of Tlatelolco, Treaty of Rarotonga, Pelindaba Treaty and Bangkok Treaty, the international community should work to promote the establishment of new nuclear-weapon-free zones. Nuclear-weapon states, in particular, should respect the status of the nuclear-weapon-free zones and undertake their corresponding obligations.

A Convention on the Comprehensive Ban of Nuclear Weapons should be negotiated and concluded, for it is the ultimate goal of complete prohibition and thorough destruction of nuclear weapons. In parallel with the negotiation of this Convention, conscientious study should be undertaken on the moves and measures of the nuclear weapons destruction on the principle of maintaining international strategic stability and national security interests. In this regard, China agrees to earnestly study the phased nuclear disarmament program by non-allied movements, the New Agenda Alliance's proposals, Report of the Canberra Commission, etc. and take all reasonable nuclear disarmament proposals put forward by non-nuclear-weapon states.

Mr. Chairman,
Another key precondition for a favorable international security environment and further progress in nuclear disarmament is that the international community have to face squarely and solve the non-proliferation issue. At present, there are two negative developments in this field which are hindering further nuclear disarmament. One is the South Asian nuclear tests and the other is the joint development of missile defense system by some countries and missile proliferation caused by the wanton and indiscriminate bombing of a sovereignty state by a powerful military bloc.

The United Nations Security Council Resolution 1172 is the only correct way to deal with the event of South Asian nuclear tests. Whether the countries concerned could strictly observe and implement this resolution and whether others could adopt a common position by resolutely opposing the South Asian nuclear tests put the international community's endeavor and determination of promoting non-proliferation and nuclear disarmament to a severe test. However, certain countries adopted double standards on non-proliferation according to their own likes and dislikes. One the one hand, they take certain countries as adversaries or even foes, treat them mercilessly; on the other hand, they acquiesce in or even connive at some other countries' nuclear ambition. These behaviors will hinder the nuclear disarmament process, for appeasement will only turn out to be disaster, just like lifting up a rock to drop on one's own feet.

Due to the fact that the technologies for missiles and anti-missile system are interrelated, the development and proliferation of the anti-missile systems will prompt the proliferation of missiles and nuclear weapons. NATO's bombarding of Yugoslavia with advanced missiles, which has made extensive "advertisement" for high-tech weapons, has deprived people of their sense of security. As a result, countries will be forced to vigorously build up their armaments for the purpose of self-defense or even try every possible means to acquire the weapons of mass destruction, including nuclear weapons.

Mr. Chairman,
Last but not least, may I also take this opportunity to briefly outline China's positions on nuclear disarmament. China has always stood for the complete prohibition and thorough destruction of nuclear weapons and has been calling for the early conclusion of an international legal instrument to that effect. Faced with nuclear weapon threat and blackmail, China was forced to develop its own limited nuclear arsenal for the purposes of self-defense, safeguarding national independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity, maintaining the world peace and preventing nuclear war with an aim of eventual elimination of nuclear weapons. It has solemnly committed itself not to be the first to use nuclear weapons at any time and under any circumstances since the very first day when it came into possession of nuclear weapons. Furthermore, it has also unconditionally committed itself not to use or threaten to use nuclear weapons against non-nuclear-weapon states or nuclear-weapon-free zones. With the minimum number of nuclear tests and the smallest nuclear forces, China has exercised utmost restraint in the development of nuclear weapons. It has never participated in any nuclear arms race or deployed nuclear weapons outside its territory. I can assure you that China has never evaded its responsibilities in nuclear disarmament, nor will it in the future.

Mr. Chairman,
With a new century approaching, I firmly believe that mankind will be able to eliminate nuclear weapons and to get rid of the threat of nuclear war in the 21st century, since it was able to manufacture such weapons in the 20th century. Let's join our hands and work towards the great goal through sincere cooperation.

Thank you, Mr. Chairman.