The Role of the Treaty of Tlatelolco in
International Peace and Security

Spanish
Hans BlixMohammed Shaker

Jose R. Martínez Cobo
Former Secretary General of OPANAL



1.- On awarding the 1982 Nobel Peace Prize, the highest award to which a human being can aspire, to the eminent Mexican jurist and internationalist Alfonso García Robles for "his constant, selfless work in favor of disarmament" and for having been the inspiring and effective promoter of the Treaty of Tlatelolco, the international community recognized the transcendental importance of the Latin American denuclearized zone to the political philosophy of peace and the civilized co-existence of peoples.


2.- That Noble prize also paid homage to Latin America as a whole, since the entire region participated in the arduous task that led to the opening for signature of the Treaty of Tlatelolco in 1967. This linkage did not only stem from the spontaneous need to survive, but was also a faithful reflection of the deeply-rooted devotion to peace of our peoples that gave impetus to the creation of the first nuclear weapon-free zone in a densely populated region of the world.


3.- The sovereign act of renouncing and rejecting the use of any kind of nuclear weapons is a good example of effective measures to achieve general, complete global disarmament under effective international control. On reducing the areas of the world where a nuclear confrontation is potentially possible and on geographically limiting the proliferation of such weapons, a valuable contribution was made not only to security in this hemisphere, but also to that of humanity as a whole.


4.- The Treaty of Tlatelolco is one of the most outstanding contributions made by the intelligence of the people of Latin America to international law. It has been unreservedly praised in the highest international forums as "a transcendental contribution to disarmament", "an incentive and an example", and as "the work of pioneers, the importance of which transcends the borders of Latin America". During the very year it was created, the United Nations General Assembly "welcomed it with special satisfaction" and declared that "it constitutes an event of historical significance".



5.- The constant increase in the number of countries gaining access to nuclear technology for warlike purposes is a grave threat to peace and to the very existence of humanity. Every year more states become poised to join the nuclear arms race on acquiring the capacity to manufacture this kind of weapons without the need for outside support. The mere fact of possessing nuclear stockpiles can lead to catastrophe through error, simple misfortune or the irresponsible folly of which history is not free.


6.- The problem of proliferation is not technical, but political: for non-proliferation efforts and denuclearized zones to be successful, it is essential for governments to understand that it is in the interest of their own security not to acquire weapons of this kind. Fortunately, none of the countries of Latin America has embarked on the demented adventure of manufacturing or acquiring such weapons, but it is clear that the political will of leaders can change if there is no commitment in the form of an international convention to prevent them from doing so.


7.- The skepticism of many concerning the future of the Treaty and its two additional Protocols, on seeing that an agreement had been drawn up outside the purview of the nuclear powers without previously securing a guarantee of respect from them, has proved totally groundless. The obstacles and difficulties that have had to be overcome to achieve today's results and the ultimate, now foreseeable aim are an exceptional demonstration of the creative capacity and the like-minded, solidary philosophy of the peoples of Latin America.


8.- After thirty years, the aims of the Treaty remain as valid as ever. Without a single exception, the governments of the States within its zone of application have always supported it and shown a highly positive attitude towards it. It currently covers an enormous territorial extension ranging not only from the sovereign States within it, but also, through Protocol I, to those administered by extracontinental powers, thus protecting tens of millions of people from the dangers of using atomic energy for purposes that are not strictly civilian.


9.- After three decades, nobody can deny that the Treaty has been an extremely important means of ensuring that the peoples of Latin America and the Caribbean can live free of the fear of a nuclear holocaust, which could put an end to their very existence and wipe out the cultural and artistic heritage painstakingly built up over many generations. It has also eliminated the possibility of governments joining an absurd nuclear arms race, which would be an unjustifiable waste of their limited economic resources.


10.- The Treaty's effectiveness has been shown by the fact that the processing of Protocol II has been completed, now that the five recognized nuclear powers have signed and ratified it. These powers have pledged to respect the sovereign decision to free the region of nuclear weapons, and have expressly recognized that militarily denuclearized zones make a genuine contribution to general, complete disarmament and are a valuable step towards ensuring the security of the planet as a whole.


11.- Those who designed the Treaty of Tlatelolco believed that the Latin American denuclearized zone should co-exist and cooperate with others located in different parts of the world in order to make joint efforts in favor of global disarmament. The United Nations General Assembly, in resolutions adopted repeatedly over many years, urged that the exemplary road followed by Latin America be followed. When I had the privilege of leading OPANAL, we could not envisage this possibility.


12.- This fact prevented our zone from attaining the global projection it should have as an appropriate instrument for international peace and security, co-existing with others covering much of the planet. The situation has fortunately changed, and representatives of three other militarily denuclearized zones are attending the commemoration of the thirtieth anniversary of OPANAL. The Agency's remarkable and unique experience in this field contributed to their establishment, and it will continue to cooperate with the United Nations system in helping to create other similar zones.


13.- One of the Treaty's primordial aims is to allow the countries of the area to make use of nuclear energy for peaceful purposes, such as the balanced economic and social development of their peoples, on the principle that technological progress and major scientific discoveries should be at the service of all nations. Developments in this field have been spectacular and any setback could be highly detrimental.


14.- The countries of Latin America and the Caribbean are in a position to make more effective use of nuclear science. Perhaps the time has come to give added content to OPANAL's activities, by expanding its role to that of coordinator in this field by encouraging greater cooperation and exchanges of experiences among its members, training experts and extending support to the most economically vulnerable countries to enable them to tackle this challenge. The Agency has the necessary legal framework but lacks appropriate economic and technical resources.


15.- It is only fair to state that the great promoter of the Treaty of Tlatelolco during the past thirty years has been and continues to be the Mexican people. Its eminent jurists played an active role in the long and complicated process of drafting the treaty, and its government has always extended generous, decisive support to OPANAL, making it a stable, prestigious organization with clear objectives and well-conceived programmes in a short period of time.


16.- The Treaty of Tlatelolco has given Latin America a place of honor on the world peace and disarmament map. When it was opened for signature it was not said in vain to be "the partial realization of the longstanding dream of Latin American linkage that inspired Simon Bolivar's visionary mind". The enterprise that was undertaken at that time was a challenge to the capacity of the States of the region to work together and achieve results that would reflect their desire for peace and their determination to place the forces of death at the service of life.

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